Se faire une fortune sur le marché boursier (Trend Following Mentor) (French Edition)

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They said that the entire impression - a thousand copies - had already been dispatched to Lorraine. For a short time this too was thought to have originated from Plantin's press, but after a number of Antwerp printers had given their opinion it was presumed on typographical grounds to have been printed in Emden.

The guilty journeymen would have to be given an exemplary punishment. As for Plantin, Article 23 of the Plakkaten , the. They had left Plantin's house but still resided in the town. Brussels seems to have been very well informed. With the utmost dispatch the margrave set to work again. Before 17th March he was able to report that he had found a thousand of the fifteen hundred copies of the Briefve instruction pour prier.

The rest had already been sent off, the greater part to Metz, a number to Paris. The guilty journeymen would pay dearly for their misdeeds: they had been sentenced to the galleys. In a further letter dated 17th March, Van Immerseel filled in some more details. The copies of the heretical work found in Antwerp had been burnt. Van Immerseel concludes by lamenting an unforeseen difficulty: to whom should he deliver the three guilty journeymen?

It was the custom in Antwerp for criminals to be fed by the town almoners, but after the sentence to the galleys had been passed these officials refused to meet the cost of keeping the journeymen. This was the end of the official correspondence, or at least of what has been preserved of it, concerning the incident of the Briefve instruction pour prier. The legal hair-splitting between the town almoners and the government officials over the maintenance of the galley slaves seems to have saved the. This was certainly the case with Jean d'Arras: as early as May he turned up in Metz, where he began a new typographical career, working his way up in a few years to become the foremost Protestant printer in the town.

His two workmates presumably slipped through the net at the same time. Was Plantin as innocent in this affair as the margrave felt he could assume? There is no other evidence besides the margrave's statements, and Jan van Immerseel was hardly a fanatical heresy-hunter. If Plantin was a heretic, however, he had little liking for Calvin's doctrines and steadfastly refused to distribute Calvinistic writings. At the same time it appears that he did in fact leave early in January to travel to Paris 2.

According to the same witness, Plantin shortly afterwards rode from Paris to Kampen to find Hendrik Niclaes and implore his help and support. He then returned to Paris - by way of Antwerp. This lightning visit can be dated to March While Jan van Immerseel was absorbed in his. In the opinion of the author it seems reasonable to assume that Plantin was in fact the dupe of his workpeople in this affair, that he did go to Paris on some business or other, and that the three journeymen made use of his absence to print the Briefve instruction pour prier. When Plantin became aware that the machinery of the law had been set in motion, for safety's sake he remained in Paris longer than was strictly necessary for his lawsuit or other business.

Not until well into , after an absence of a year and a half, did he return to Antwerp - no doubt after he had made sure that the affair had either blown over, or at least contained no further danger for him personally. How Plantin kept himself in that year and a half of involuntary exile remains a question.

Porret gave the printer and his family shelter and generous hospitality. It was in these months that Porret and Plantin are alleged to have stolen the box containing precious stones from the house of the Paris jeweller who had just died and who had intended to bequeath his possessions to the Family of Love. Hendrik Niclaes raised this ticklish question during the conversation at Kampen. Plantin declared that he did not know who had removed this precious box.

Considering Plantin's life and conduct it is most unlikely that he was guilty of the act with which the author of the Chronika imputes him. Be that as it may this text and the facts concerning the lawsuit show that the printer was owed quite considerable amounts of money in Paris at this time which, with the help of Porret and possibly of a number of minor transactions, enabled him to keep his head above water. He was even able to spend a fairly large sum on punches and matrices. He had already been there to see how the land lay: in June, July and August he appears to have squared accounts with the Antwerp amman , the legal officer who acted for the central government 3.

Gudule now St. Michel in Brussels. The presence of this note, the type employed, the printer's mark the original wood-block of which is preserved in the Museum show clearly enough that this second revised and suspect edition of the Instruction chrestiene also originated in the Plantin printing-office. Yet Plantin categorically disowns this impression, even though he personally was completely covered by the canon's authorization. Probably it was once again a case of treacherous dealing on the part of Jean d'Arras and his companions, the more so as there are reasons for believing that Pierre Ravillian was in reality a pseudonym for Jean Taffin, Cardinal Granvelle's ex-librarian who had been converted to Calvinism.

In -. It may even be possible that Plantin employed Jean d'Arras and Jean Cabaros on the recommendation of his old friend. Be that as it may, the matter of the Instruction chrestiene seems to have been satisfactorily shelved.

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Plantin already had troubles enough: on 28th April all his goods had been sold under process of law in the same Vrijdagmarkt where today the Plantin building extends along the whole of the western side. The facts are easy to reconstruct. The sale was carried out by order of the Antwerp amman. The two merchants must have petitioned for this sale as creditors of Plantin. According to documents from the Municipal Archives a number of other creditors also put forward claims in this period, most of them after the sale, one before the sale but probably when it had already been arranged and announced.

At first sight the procedure appears quite normal. There is one circumstance, however, that invites further inquiry. On 16th June , three months before Plantin's return, the same van Bomberghen had, in the presence of the amman , formally guaranteed any sums that might have been wrongly charged to Plantin for the sale.


All this suggests that the printer himself may have had some part in the official sale of his property. Whether Plantin was personally guilty or innocent, there was always the possibility that the authorities might hold him responsible under the heresy edicts, sentence him, and confiscate his property for the benefit of the exchequer. It is even possible that Plantin's movables had already been seized under a provisional court order or at least placed under seal.

It is therefore conceivable that Plantin asked a few friends to forestall the authorities by staging this fictitious attachment for debt so that eventually, by this roundabout and embarrassing means, he could secure possession of his threatened property.

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But the printer had been able to secure his principal treasure in good time, namely his collection of punches and matrices for casting type. Consequently not a single punch or matrix was auctioned. Late in , after the storm had blown over, Plantin entered his Antwerp home again and was able with a contented mind to draw up an impressive inventory, augmented by the purchases he had made in Paris from to He did not go empty-handed to the financial backers who opened up new possibilities for him at the end of The inventory drawn up at the time of the sale of Plantin's possessions gives an idea of the financial progress the former bookbinder had made by , seven years after going over to printing, and thirteen or fourteen years after his arrival in Antwerp.

The stocks of books and cast type accounted for the greater part of this sum, bringing in roughly and pond respectively. The stock of paper about 93 pond , the wood-blocks and copperplates for illustrations about 63 pond , the presses, including four printing-presses and a number of smaller bookbinder's presses about.

This leaves only about pond for Plantin's various household effects. There was a still more impressive quantity of baskets, chests and trunks, filled with all kinds of junk, besides two halberds and three flutes. There was not a single painting or piece of ornamental furniture. It was still a far cry from the luxurious furnishings to be seen in the present Plantin-Moretus Museum that evoke the patrician standards of Plantin's successors.

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From the total of 1, pond 7, fl. In fact after Plantin's creditors had been paid, the amman transferred to the printer a sum of just under pond , the proceeds from the sale of his property. This sum was paid in six instalments, five between 17th June and 19th August , and the last on 28th March This means that the debts, fictitious or otherwise, placed before the amman represented barely three-fifths of the amount raised by the sale. Plantin's other assets must also be taken into account: the money in his possession; his own apparently considerable claims as a creditor; a stock of books, possibly fairly large, in the warehouse at Frankfurt; and his collection of punches and matrices.

At the moment of the disaster Plantin's assets, after deduction of his debts, can be estimated at a total of about 10, fl. In the Antwerp printer was already a man of means. Nevertheless as far as he and his family were concerned he. On 26th November , in one of the rooms in the spacious Antwerp residence of Karel van Bomberghen, lord of Haren, five people put their signatures to five copies of a long text.

They undertook to enter into partnership, forming a company that was to last for eight years, but was renewable after four. The company, for reasons which those concerned thought it unnecessary to specify, was considered to have come into being on 1st October of that year. The printer, only just back from his enforced exile, with little more than the punches and matrices that he had managed to save, 3.

The man who took pity on Plantin, or, to put it more accurately, who saw in the calm, reliable, hardworking printer an interesting investment for his money, was Cornelis van Bomberghen, who figured so largely in the affair of April These were his cousin Karel van Bomberghen, lord of Haren, in whose house the company was officially established; Johannes Goropius Becanus, the physician who had attended Plantin in , and who was married to Catherina de Cordes, grand-niece of the two Van Bomberghens and the sister of Karel's second wife; and lastly Jacob de Schotti, Cornelis's brother-in-law.

In February a fourth member of the family became a partner. This was Fernando de Bernuy, a nephew of the Van Bomberghens on his mother's side and also the guardian of Becanus's stepson. At all events it was Cornelis van Bomberghen who invested the largest amount of money in the company and assumed responsibility for supervising its finances and keeping the accounts.

The assets of the company were divided into six parts, of which Cornelis van Bomberghen reserved three for Plantin and himself. The three other partners received one share each. In return Cornelis paid pond 3, fl. Plantin's contribution was made in kind. He supplied the typographical material and equipment, in particular his fine collection of matrices and punches, valued at an estimated pond 1, fl. These, however, were simply loaned to the company and remained the property of the printer.

Similarly the matrices of Hebrew characters were placed at the disposal of the company by Cornelis van Bomberghen, but remained his personal property. They came originally from Karel's father, the famous Daniel van Bomberghen, who printed Hebrew works in Venice at the beginning of the sixteenth century. The latter received a. With the working capital provided by the partners Plantin's company entered on a period of expansion. To the two presses in operation on 1st January a third was added in February of the same year, a fourth in April, and a fifth in October.

A sixth press was put to work in At the beginning of January the number was increased to seven, a phenomenal figure for the time. Plantin then had a total of 33 printers, compositors and proof-readers. Measured by sixteenth-century standards, this was the equivalent of a large modern concern with some thousands of employees. By the time their last work, the A.

Such figures are eloquent enough without further comment. Business was more strongly concentrated on the wholesale trade than in the previous period and based chiefly on the Antwerp booksellers, the Paris market, and the Frankfurt fairs. The fast-growing firm demanded the full attention of the master.

The side-lines that had brought in welcome extra money for Plantin in the preceding years were either stopped or curtailed. The former bookbinder virtually ceased to practice this craft. He remained fairly active, however, as Pierre Gassen's agent in the trade with Paris in lace. The works produced were still of the sort that was easy to sell. But even at this date a number of scientific treatises draw the attention, among.

The Hebrew Bibles and Plantin's first Greek editions also deserve mention. The Gulden Passer in the Kammenstraat soon became too cramped for the steadily growing concern. In Plantin moved for the fourth and penultimate time. He remained, however, in the Kammenstraat. From the 11th to the 15th July of that year his eighteen employees, aided by porters and waggoners, lugged the entire contents of the Gulden Passer to the house called the Grote Valk [Great Falcon] farther along the street. This house was in its turn re-christened the Gulden Passer : on 16th August Plantin paid Pieter Huys, the well-known painter, the sum of 5 fl.

The partnership had been entered into for eight years, renewable after four. Plantin in fact kept the company accounts up to the end of the first term, to 5th October Yet the last edition entered up for the company was completed on 28th August, 3. The same theme is taken up in various other letters that he addressed to influential Catholic personages at this time. What had happened? Goropius Becanus must have belonged to the same heterodox sect as Plantin. Jacob de Schotti's orthodoxy does not appear to have been doubtful, at least not sufficiently so to be disturbing.

During and. When the tide turned early in and Margaret of Parma's forces were pressing hard on the rebels, so that it began to look as if Antwerp too would be obliged to open its gates to the royal troops, the two Van Bomberghens decided it was high time to take precautions. In January Cornelis van Bomberghen sold his share in the company to his brother-in-law Jacob de Schotti and in February he disappeared from the Netherlands. He was probably accompanied on his flight by Karel van Bomberghen.

How the latter realized his share in the undertaking is hard to say. It is even possible that the lord of Haren may have ceased to be part of the company as early as February , and that Fernando de Bernuy did not actually buy a new share, but simply took over that of his kinsman. These and other small mysteries connected with the break-up of the partnership could only be cleared up by a systematic study of the accounts. Fernando de Bernuy was just as ardent a Calvinist, and just as compromised as the two Van Bomberghens. He may have waited a little longer to see how the situation would develop, but the news of Alva's arrival must have encouraged him to make haste: on 13th July the company's journal closed with the payment of about pond to this shareholder.

That de Bernuy had already placed a safe distance between himself and the Netherlands by this time and received the money via intermediaries are possibilities that cannot be entirely ruled out. Plantin must also have severed his financial ties with Goropius Becanus and Jacob de Schotti in the same period, thereby regaining his freedom of movement. Plantin certainly made this move, but not the moment the Van Bom-. Oil painting on panel by Rubens. Montanus is portrayed wearing the mantle of a knight in the Spanish military order of St. The portrait was commissioned by Balthasar I Moretus between and He only took the step when his Calvinist partners were likely to be crushed in the machinery of repression and he himself was in danger of being dragged after them to destruction.

It is even conceivable that the initiative for liquidation came as much from the other partners as from Plantin. The Van Bomberghens and de Bernuy may have insisted on settling their affairs before their flight, so that they could take as much in the way of cash or liquid assets abroad with them as possible. The two remaining partners, Jacob de Schotti - who had become the principal shareholder after the transfer of Cornelis van Bomberghen's portion - and Goropius Becanus, were relatively neutral in their religious opinions and therefore less of a danger to Plantin.

Because of the uncertainties of the times, however, and realizing that their family enjoyed little popularity in government circles, they may also have prepared for the possibility of a hasty departure and wanted liquidation. The break with his Calvinist partners, moreover, was not as drastic as Plantin made it appear in his letters to pro-Spanish persons at this time. Even after August he was frequently in contact with the Van Bomberghens, borrowing money from them on some occasions; these contacts and transactions, however, were carefully camouflaged in his correspondence and in his accounts.

In August Plantin was left on his own, but this time with a well-equipped printing-office and a still substantial working capital. Nevertheless payment of the amounts owed to his partners, and the troubled times that did anything but encourage the buying of such luxuries as books, must certainly have curbed his activities.

In these troubled months the printer was wrestling with serious financial problems. In January he complained that only three of his seven presses were working; 2. On the other hand he was successful in finding a source from which he could obtain ready money, the commodity he most needed. Late in , when Paris was momentarily peaceful and therefore relatively eager to buy, he had set up a well-appointed bookshop in Porret's house in the rue Saint-Jacques, where he might hope to place a considerable stock of his books.

At the same time he had found a number of powerful Spanish patrons through whom he had been able to win the support of Philip himself for certain of his plans. He could face the future with a calmer mind than in and He became involved in the distasteful matter of a clandestine anti-Spanish press. When Alva rode into Brussels at the head of his tercios on 22nd August and the repression set in, the printer had reason to fear the worst. This crisis was not only to pass: Plantin's attempts to break out of the net that enmeshed him led to a new period of expansion, greater even than the previous one.

It led to the zenith of his career - and the beginning of his great financial difficulties. In the province of South Holland, a few miles south of Utrecht, lies the small town of Vianen, in the sixteenth century the most important possession of the proud family of the Brederodes. There were already a few printers established at Vianen, but so far as can be discovered their equipment was rather rudimen-. He was probably much better equipped than his Dutch colleagues, but barely had time to install himself. At the beginning of the foot companies and cavalry of Margaret of Parma started swiftly to roll up the Protestant positions.

At Oosterweel near Antwerp on 13th March the inexperienced recruits of the Calvinist leader de Toulouze were surprised and massacred. On 27th April it was the turn of Hendrik van Brederode to leave Amsterdam to seek safety over the eastern frontier. On 3rd May Margaret's troops marched into Vianen. The new printer was swept along in the general flight and hurried over the German border to the safety of Wesel. He does not seem to have had the time or opportunity to print much: perhaps one or two religious tracts by Hendrik Niclaes, although these are more likely to have been printed in Wesel.

The man had more than likely come to Vianen to set up an anti-Spanish, and presumably pro-Calvinist, press. The printer was a certain Augustijn van Hasselt. The man behind the scenes who furnished Van Hasselt with materials and enabled him to establish his printing-press, was his former employer on whose pay-roll he was entered as a journeyman printer until 2nd November - Christophe Plantin. Plantin cannot be called a commercial adventurer. He lacked the ruthless, self-assured effrontery of such types.

But he did possess their reckless spirit. His dare-devil gambling with fate carried him to the highest point of fame and prestige that a printer has ever reached - and soured his old age with racking financial worries. There is a whole world of difference, however, between recklessness and the patronizing of such an enterprise as that at Vianen.

The hope of financial gain can have been only slight; the likelihood of reaping the whirlwind so much the greater. As a man of. In religion his sympathies certainly did not extend towards fanatical and belligerent Calvinism. Augustijn van Hasselt was also a member of the Family of Love and had actually been sent by Hendrik Niclaes to Plantin to learn the craft of printing.

He later became printer to the sect in Cologne. It might at first be thought that the idea was to set up a propaganda centre of the Family of Love within Hendrik van Brederode's sphere of influence. The Calvinists, however, were just as implacable and violent in their dealings with zealots of anabaptist tendencies as were the Catholics. The leader of the Family of Love thoroughly disapproved of the venture and censured Plantin as well as Van Hasselt; 1. The Vianen enterprise was certainly not begun on the initiative of Niclaes's sect. Taking all these factors into account, it would appear that Plantin was forced into this adventure against his will by Calvinist elements.

The real culprits are not far to seek. When these events took place the Officina Plantiniana was still a company. Three of Plantin's partners were ardent Calvinists - and Karel van Bomberghen was the brother of Antoon van Bomberghen, Hendrik van Brederode's fierce lieutenant who was killed by a shot from a Spanish harquebus in October , when the army of William of Orange was crossing the Gete. It may be assumed that it was Plantin's Calvinist partners who, influenced by their kinsman Antoon van Bomberghen, aimed at setting up the anti-.

Spanish press at Vianen, and that Plantin followed them only reluctantly. Nevertheless the fact remains that he was a party to this enterprise and that he was disloyal of his own free will to the Spanish authorities. This time not even the most benevolently disposed official could interpret the edicts in his favour. Plantin's head was at stake.

Plantin could have secured his safety, like his partners, by going abroad - to Paris, where his recently fitted out Compas d'Or in Pierre Porret's house could have afforded him an excellent opportunity of starting again; to Frankfurt-am-Main, where the magistrates seemed disposed to show the great printer all kinds of favours, should he wish to settle in their town. Plantin, however, was already too deeply rooted in Antwerp and he resolved to weather the storm there. In this risky game of chance he did not rely solely on his own boldness to carry the day. Augustijn van Hasselt, the dangerous link between Antwerp and Vianen, sat safe and sound in Germany and therefore the Spanish authorities could not force confessions out of him by torture.

The presses at Vianen had scarcely been installed and had been able to do little or no harm; consequently the authorities, who had more on their hands than they cared for in those troublous days, had no special reason to look into this particular matter. For the rest, Plantin took a number of precautions. He had Van Hasselt write him a letter on 10th March , shortly before his flight to Wesel, in which the journeyman apologized for having gone to Vianen against Plantin's orders. Plantin's gamble paid off. The secret was well guarded at the time.

It was so well kept that it needed all the perspicuity of Dr. Bouchery to. Yet Dr. Bouchery has shown that at least one highly-placed official had his suspicions, even if he did not actually see through what was going on. Claude de Withem only partly met his obligations, so that Plantin had to make up the rest out of his own pocket. This involved the considerable sum of 2, fl. The printer repeatedly pressed for repayment, but did no more than try to move the recalcitrant debtor by lamenting his own pitiful financial condition.

At no point did he adopt the peremptory tone he normally employed in such cases and which he even dared to use to Philip II. As Van Meghen's lieutenant, De Withem could have heard of matters that Plantin little cared to have revealed. Everybody else concerned in the clandestine press was similarly silent. The Vianen affair was shelved, though for many long months Plantin must have lived in fear and trembling. At least as early as December Plantin began literally to bombard his important Spanish and pro-Spanish connections with letters in which he emphasized his Catholic orthodoxy with great vehemence and even greater discursiveness.

From December - that is to say when the Protestant cause appeared by no means lost, when Plantin had not yet separated from his Calvinist partners, and when he had just installed Augustijn van Hasselt at Vianen. This might be regarded as a conscious and purposeful betting on two horses.

The vehemence of Plantin's declarations of religious orthodoxy, however, makes it seem likely that, as has already been stressed, he did not. He was probably also trying to secure for himself a safe way back to the Spanish lines by strengthening the ties that bound him to certain faithful servants of the government. Granvelle certainly extended his protection to the printer for many years, but this patronage was of comparatively late date.

Contacts only became more frequent from the beginning of Plantin sought and obtained closer contact with the prelate, who was in Rome at that time, through Stephanus Winandus Pighius, the famous humanist and archaeologist, then Granvelle's librarian in the Netherlands, and Maximilian Morillon, provost of Aire and vicar-general to Granvelle in the latter's capacity as Archbishop of Malines.

Until the middle of , however, the correspondence between Plantin and Granvelle dealt with little more than the publication of works by Pighius and friends of the cardinal in Rome. It seems as if Plantin in these crucial months first sought to obtain the good offices of Pighius and Morillon who, although less powerful than the cardinal, were nearer home and could drop a discreet word in Plantin's favour in official ears at Brussels. As a result of this, and perhaps of promises and assurances given by Plantin, Pighius and Morillon also aroused Granvelle's interest in the printer.

It was not so much Granvelle as another influential person that Plantin canvassed in this period with all the energy of despair, holding out the bait that he had been keeping in reserve. This man did not appear in the limelight like Granvelle, but he was better able to exert his influence behind the scenes. The secretary to the Spanish monarch had appeared before in Plantin's life-story, at the beginning of his printing career.

It was the jewel-box he had ordered that got Plantin a stab in the shoulder in or He supplied him with many more books and bindings than he delivered to Granvelle and did him many small services. It was to this man that the printer turned in when he felt his life to be in danger. In Catholic circles too people were beginning to realize the importance of a scientifically based edition of the Bible. Plantin could hope that his proposition would be favourably received by Philip, thus indirectly securing him the mightiest patron he could wish for in the Spanish Netherlands.

It should be pointed out that Plantin's original plan was fairly modest. His intention was only to publish a slightly revised edition of the famous Polyglot Bible in six volumes, printed at Alcala in Spain by Arnao Guillen de Brocar in and sponsored by Cardinal Ximenes. Plantin had been thinking about some such plan for a considerable time.

He had expressed his views on the subject as early as 26th February in a letter to his friend, the learned Orientalist Andreas Masius, 2. By interesting the Spanish king in the matter he could hope to achieve two of his aims at one stroke: on the one hand he would gain a certificate of orthodoxy; on the other he would obtain the financial means he needed to realize his grandiose scheme. It speaks volumes for Plantin's practical spirit that, in his effort to save himself, he did not plunge head first into financial adventure, but in a cool and calculated manner specified the financial aid he expected from His Catholic Majesty.

Thus the printer's attempts to win the support of the Spanish monarch for his enterprise date at least from November of that year, that is to say exactly at the time he was launching the anti-Spanish press at Vianen. Philip II, however, was wont to weigh his plans up carefully. Months went by and Plantin was left on tenterhooks. Sometimes Plantin himself felt that he had rather overstated matters and in making a fair copy would resolutely strike out the too prolix declarations of devotion in in his first draft.

He stopped corresponding in the summer of , at about the same time that Alva marched into Brussels with his Spanish tercios. Plantin's letters became even more frequent and truly pathetic in tone. He seems to have been on the verge of a nervous breakdown. But at last, at the end of September , he obtained a reply. A great weight fell from Plantin's shoulders.

His ambitious design was going to be realized, and the protecting hand of none less than His Catholic Majesty would be held above him. The reply of 1st October was written by an already much calmer Plantin. He had regained his equilibrium and the affirmations of orthodoxy and loyalty to Spain were henceforth omitted or much toned down and reduced. Plantin's head was again in danger, as Stephanus Pighius bluntly informed their mutual friend, Andreas Masius, in a letter of 15th March It was. It was in fact the Calvinist Geneva translation, in which only the more suspect verses had been changed, and notes of a Catholic tinge provided.

Plantin saw this French translation as a commercial windfall and hastened to secure for himself the right to print it. His text was examined by the theologian Jan Henten, while a number of Louvain professors also endorsed it. In order not to lose any time, Plantin published the first part of the work to be completed, Le nouveau Testament de Nostre Seigneur Iesus Christ , as soon as it was ready. This must have been in July , the same month in which the Sorbonne solemnly condemned the priest's brain-child. Si ie trouve le larron en ma possession, pourquoy ne le despouilleray-ie?

Puisque la guerre spirituelle est ouverte entre nous et les heretiques, ne m'estil pas permis de les piller? It was this Novum Testamentum Gallicum corruptissimum , that endangered Plantin's head, albeit indirectly. Benoist did not acquiesce immediately in the decision of the University of Paris. Not at all disheartened, he had several further editions of his translation published in Plantin himself brought out a new edition in , but without Benoist's annotations and without mention of his name.

The work itself was therefore not sufficiently suspect and corrupt to warrant Pighius's writing of acute peril in his letter of March It cannot be said with complete certainty what exactly happened. Granvelle's librarian, the only important relevant source, deals only briefly with. The first person to come under suspicion was Plantin, because of his earlier publication of Benoist's translation.

Possibly the anonymous edition and that of Plantin were momentarily confused. Maximilian Morillon, vicar-general of the archbishopric of Malines, and Pighius came to the aid of their friend. They were able to show that Plantin's edition was covered by privilege and ecclesiastical approval. Netherlands : Arcadis employee-owned, 9.

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Muchas nuevas informaciones sobre accionariado asalariado en marzo , con 2. La revista de prensa completa cuenta 2. Punk writers, who are often autodidacts, also lack the social and cultural capital necessary to institutional integration and enjoyed hard rock and metal, yet was captivated by the idea of writing a punk character. Sams, Gideon. The Punk. London: Corgi Books, Vernon Subutex also offers an ambitious grand narrative of French society across different classes and races rather than the primarily marginal milieu of her earlier works.

Here, I am only discussing her novels with punk protagonists. See note below. Hebdige, Dick. Subculture: the meaning of style. Do it yourself! Autodetermination et culture punk. Paris: Le Passager Clandestin, See : Ross, Kristin. Communal Luxury. Accessed 20 October Some punk music even bears an intertextual and aesthetic kinship with literature. Patti Smith drew inspiration from William S.

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Punk fits into a long tradition of resistant art challenging the separation between artist and audience and inserting revolutionary politics and polemics. Roger Sabin. Punk texts also use crass or morbid humor, mockery of popular and political figures, mental illness as a metaphor of a dissident spirit, and descriptions of war and other tragedies. However, Hell and Elliott were both raised in secular Jewish families; Cometbus writes about Jewish punk identity. Chicago: The Chicago Review Press, See also: Croland, Michael.

Oy oy oy gevalt! Toronto: Praeger, See: Dead Kennedys. See also: No Name for All. It is this troubling of registers, genres, media, enunciatory positions, artistic hierarchies and norms that attaches punk literature and textuality to the punk musical subculture. By Komptoir Chaos. Acratic language is not comprised uniquely of slogans directly denouncing power. Le bruissement de la langue. Seemingly everyone who was aware of the nascent punk scene attempted to explain to the readership of these papers what this youthful craze called punk was.

We will see that early punks tended to advocate liberation of the individual subject through new sensations much as Medeiros did, although later punks were more socially engaged. Would that Muller had been aware of the debt owed to Huysmans, Rimbaud, and the Situationists by the most prominent punk musicians currently active in France, the UK, and the US. See also: Starshooter. However, there remained an unsympathetic element of the public and press that misunderstood the aggressive sonics and aesthetics of punk as a call to real-life violence and intemperance.

Unlike Muller and Saltron, who analyzed the punk ensemble of juxtaposed and distorted visual and musical references as a pastiche with its own semiotic value, Cannavo and Chabrol refuse to detach individual elements of punk pastiche from earlier cultural or political contexts. Les punks arrivent. While I am skeptical that the swastika can be successfully decontextualized and given new meaning through mocking juxtaposition, the punks are clearly not promoting an adherence to fascist or racist ideologies through their irreverent and incongruous use of it.

As members of an artistic and cultural movement that denies authority, punks insist upon being speaking subjects, which makes punkitude difficult to pin down and define, other than as a desire for resistant discourse within a rock-informed art and music culture. Concerts filled with the stylized violence of punk dancing pogoing, moshing and gobbing spitting on bands and audiences. Gogol 1er et la Horde. This contradictory spirit, which eventually inspires ideas for creating a Les Olivensteins.

The text is replete with visual and linguistic irregularities, lowercase and capital letters randomly alternating, nonstandard punctuation, and onomatopoeic text filing irregularly over the narrative text. While articulating a self-definition of punk — a discursive act — the novel also creates a narrative that discusses what punk is in literal and metaphorical terms. Personal interview. Paris, France: 2 September However, aside from those behaviors which are unsurprising touches, given that marginal figures in the genres of the polar often are distinguished by this caricatural villainy , transformation into punks also implies access to new possibilities for creativity.

The punks in the novel, after being bitten, also create music and writing. Sang futur. Paris: Le Dernier Terrain Vague, Instead of dreary labor, punks prefer work — namely, creative work s. Kitty remonte le col de sa veste, soupire. A public group kiss-and-grope disgusts the ticket seller; when the bartender threatens to throw the punks out, they wreck the bar. The police begin tracking punks first by questioning anyone with a punk style.

Alors, va pour Starlet! The character of Sarah embodies the empowering potential of marginalized people aligning their worldview with punk. Edited by Rory Dicker and Alison Piepmeyer. Boston: Northeastern UP, In an interview, queer feminist Kate Tossey explained that queer communities rarely distinguished between gender fluidity and transgender identity until the mids.

Yet, although Sarah has had her penis removed and takes hormones, her body eludes a simple identification with male or female gender due to her refusal to have a new sexual organ put in its place; instead, Sarah is tattooed with a red swastika between her thighs. As we saw before, punk aesthetic appropriation of the swastika juxtaposes it with symbols of conflicting ideologies and aesthetics to show its impotence and absurdity.

The red swastika is not a symbol of power displayed on a flag or an armband, as opposed to the black Hakenkreuz of the Nazi insignias worn irreverently by famous punks such as Sid Vicious, Siouxsie Sioux, or the punks mentioned in the inflammatory article in Le Matin. Furthermore, the red swastika is the Buddhist symbol for dharma, the cosmic law only visible to those who transcend the desires and material trappings of worldly, human reality and the self — the human world is, of course, the only one where money and work are important.

This juxtaposition suggests that rejection of normative identity, including gender identity and life in conventional society, liberates us from the illusions of our world. This refusal appeals to even the more homophobic, transphobic men in the group, such as Momort the bassist, as attractively punk. Furthermore, Sarah contributes to the discursive labor of punks to define punkitude, praising punk as the possibility of choosing your own definition to Dickkie as he clumsily flirts with her. Punks love negating the old and inventing the new. While they are uninterested in the return to the earth, soft drugs, and leaving their city, El Coco Kid and his fellows remain critical of their numb, hurried, repetitive routines in the city and insist on the importance of feeling something.

Sentir bouillonner en lui la musique des Punks. Indeed, the book alludes to the poetics, tropes, and works of Beat literature and the Situationists. The punks rarely stop moving except to write, make music, or take drugs; they drive endlessly through Paris while listening to Blue Oyster Cult, stopping only to recruit new punks with invitations to ride. Dickkie kidnaps a victim with the intention of killing him, but instead forces his victim to take them to his home in an HLM and then to drink himself into unconsciousness.

Onetime revolutionaries became reformist gauchistes. Paris: Maspero, Personal Interview. Marx, Karl. Proudhon Paris: Messidor, The subway train is the physical manifestation of the train-train of the consumer-laborer quotidian. We produce, we consume, and we die; or we stop producing and consuming, drop out… and then die. See: Kidnap. Les Thugs. Final Blast.

Primitiv Bunko. Manifestes 4. Despentes, Virginie. Bye Bye Blondie. Teen spirit. Je ferai clochard. Accessed 20 November Pourquoi vous enlaidir? Now Gloria sabotages her relationships with her characteristic violent outbursts, which have become a reassuring pattern for her despite their abjection. Accessed 8 June For Bruno and Gloria, as for the other punks of their generation throughout Europe, punkitude valorizes both political and performative opposition to bourgeois values and capitalism while performing a working-class identity.

Bruno has become callous about his teenage heartbreak, yet upon meeting Alice as an adult, his feelings of being young, unhappy, and powerless re-emerge. Skrewdriver were a notorious English fascist oi band. On the other hand, for working class and poor youth and adults such as Gloria and Bruno, punk is one of the only ways to find a welcoming social milieu and festivity in the margins of society. Although Bye Bye Blondie and Teen spirit emphasize that difference, the novels also show that punk culture and values can surmount these social and class boundaries.

La distinction. Paris: Editions de Minuit, In Bye Bye Blondie, Gloria finds new confidence by recalling her punk past in the arms of the man who lived it with her. Sandra dresses Nancy in punk fashion and takes her to metal and hardcore concerts, which simultaneously pleases and worries Bruno.

Il faut que tu fasses quelque chose. Sociologist Jeffrey S. I agree with Debies-Carl, Lewin, and Williams that punk is a pro-social, ideologically committed, politically resistant subculture, and I will add that punk expresses its values through artistic activity and through texts, from songs to novels. Patrick Williams. Patrick Williams, eds. Authenticity in culture, self, and society. London: Ashgate, I use the term here to signify that these works of fiction likewise paint the social and material inequalities of countries with capitalist economies as being as too catastrophic to overcome or resolve.

See: Carver, Lisa, et al. Costes has also exhibited his visual art and installations in French museums, and he has acted in several controversial contemporary French films. In addition to his albums and performances, Costes has been writing and publishing short fiction since the s. Refusing to compromise his artistic vision to achieve further mainstream exposure, Costes began publishing his own work, as well as the writing and art of his longtime friends and collaborators, through his own label and publishing company, Eretic Art.

Costes explains that his decision to write fiction came as much from the need to respond to angry reactions to his other art as from his own desire to create. Accessed 10 October However, his subsequent fiction has same the speedy, logorrheic, minimally-revised quality of his songwriting and his performance pieces. Les petits oiseaux chantent : un film sur Jean-Louis Costes. Independent production, See also : Carver, Lisa et al. See also: Strowel, Alain. Dumont, Hugues, et al. Brussels: Bruylant, Still, while the narrative presents the teens sympathetically, they learn very little from their journeys, brushes with death, and their experiences with the mysticism and the sacred.

In this way, Guerriers Amoureux evokes the picaresque genre, in which we follow the scurrilous exploits of anti-heroic protagonists. Accessed 29 November Costes, Jean-Louis. Guerriers Amoureux. Paris: Eretic, On fait pareil. On leur balance toute la nuit des matchs de foot et de porno.

If a worker steals, Patou pretends to give him the chance for a vacation to recover his work ethic; Patou accompanies the worker to the river, ostensibly to embark him on a boat headed home, but instead Patou shoots him. In Brazil, Patou manipulates an HR manager into giving him a high- security cleaning job on the classified site of tactical rocket launches, for which he is singularly unqualified.

Y a un bug! However, in the end, Patou once more faces the wrath of God, or at least of those who claim to serve him, when extremist Islamic terrorists hijack his base. The terrorists successfully launch a rocket, bomb New York City, and frame Patou for the hijacking. Sexual desire becomes indistinguishable from other physical extremes of violence, pain, and religious rapture. Literary transgression has also been theorized as an anti-authoritarian mode of representation by other critics including Marcel Detienne , Peter Stallybrass and Allon White , and Bonnie and Hans Braendlin See: Bakhtin, Mikhail M.

Caryl Emerson. See also: Detienne, Marcel. Paris: Gallimard, collection Tel, See also: Stallybrass, Peter and Allon White. The politics and poetics of transgression. See also: Braendlin, Bonnie and Hans P. Authority and Transgression in Literature and Film. Paris: Gallimard, ; Nouvelles Editions Lignes, The revue courted controversy by opening its pages to anti-fascist anarchist playwright, author, poet and filmmaker Fernando Arrabal as well as to reactionaries of the Nouvelle Droite such as Alain Soral. Guerriers Amoureux offers the reader the chance to follow their strange route toward knowledge and recognition of the reality above our own — the path to the sacred and metaphysical leads down the trash chute.

Unfortunately, they fare even more poorly than their white friend Patou in school and work, thus foreclosing their opportunities for success in the professional world and the aboveground economy. This move toward dramatic violence temporarily helps Momo feel like he has finally found his purpose in life. Les arabes de merde. Et maintenant, on est au sommet. After being caught and sent back to prison, Momo despairs at losing his chance for life of luxury. Yet this tranquility is illusory; as the young P.

Sartre, Jean-Paul. Preface to Fanon, Frantz. Le cauchemar permanent. For more on this, see: Prasad, Pratima. Colonialism, Race, and the French Romantic Imagination. For further observations on European romanticism and the colonial imagination, see: Fulford, Timothy, and Peter J. Kitson, eds. Romanticism and colonialism: Writing and empire, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Mon Dieu, quel malheur!

Patou fares somewhat better than his friends in terms of making money and remaining free, yet still narrowly escapes death multiple times. While he flees the Brazilian government officials who have blown up his gold mine, Patou finds himself obsessively craving — even fetishizing — Western commodities while he traverses the jungle. Les gauchistes qui crachent sur le coca sont jamais sortis de leur fac. Un vrai Le paradis! Gazs sic toxiques mystiques. On se croirait dans le Livre de la jungle. Momo, too, finds that his new perspective on the world allows him to see boundaries and borders dissolve.

Plus de murs, plus de maisons. Yet Patou and his friends also experience difficulties leaving behind this capitalist misery, in part because the aesthetic forces of consumerist media have colonized their very imaginations. Later, when Patou must flee that same base after being framed for the terrorist bombing of New York, he convinces a Brazilian poacher to transport him to safety in exchange for his Disney outfit. His villains go beyond solipsism and inconsideration into monstrous behavior indeed, from refusing employees sick leave for work-related injuries to murder and demonic curses.

I argue that Campredon allegorizes this vertigo-inducing chasm between economic comfort and misery, between classes, or between generations of workers, within startling portraits of the human body turned monstrous, demonic, or prodigious. Critique de la vie quotidienne, Tome I. The literary grotesque is peopled with characters whose bodies have something of the abnormal and unnatural about them, such as humans with animal body parts or whose limbs are plants. Furthermore, the grotesque always involves a break with pure representational mimesis. The grotesque also brings in uncanny and fantastical elements, offering narratives an oneiric quality.

However, unlike surrealism or magical realism, the grotesque foregrounds this disorientation. For Astruc, the grotesque always carries within its first impressions of strangeness a large grain of the familiar, even banal. Gargoyles, for instance, were a common feature of churches and were thus seen every day, losing their striking strangeness until someone contemplated their faces and bodies.

Paris: Classiques Garnier, Astruc maintains that the power of the grotesque is to shock us into seeing beyond the veil of the banal so that we can account for the misfortunes and cruelties of everyday life. In a similar sense, the aesthetics and disorienting narratives of the grotesque literary mode elicit a transfixed reaction and a compulsion to gaze and contemplate from the viewer or witness.

Bakhtin insisted that the grotesque calls forth social reversal and renewal through its destabilization of social hierarchies and dichotomies of classification such as self-Other, human-animal, or human-monster. After Bakhtin, many critics thus understand the grotesque as eluding knowledge, understanding, and an easy definition.

Les avions téléguidés et les bateaux radiocommandés

That which is unheimlich thus awakens and reflects something deep inside of us that we cannot name. Paris: Librairie Artheme Fayard, As this edition is no longer in print and is difficult to obtain, I am referring to the reprint published by Pocket in Some of the short stories from the original edition do not appear in the reprint, but I have obtained those stories from Julien Campredon. This splitting and multiplication of Campredon the person into three fictional subjects arguing about his status as a writer makes his role as the inventor and orchestrator of his work both more apparent and more bizarre.

Demanding once again that he not see himself as a creator, the library administration allows him to leave only when he admits that he is, in a way, writing about himself. Narratives of humiliation for young workers attempting to establish themselves professionally color the other stories in the collection to varying degrees. See: Six, Anne-Isabelle. On se croirait chez les sauvages. Accessed 12 December See also: Quillet, Lucile. Accessed 21 July Je… vous baiserai tous, oui, un par un!

Mon travail! After the cathartic climax of his long dream about intergenerational class conflict, the young jobseeker wakes up. While the first short story encapsulates its oneiric, grotesque qualities within a dream sequence, it establishes the tendency toward visual images of destabilization and the transfixed contemplation of otherness that continues in other stories in the collection.

Et les flics qui ne font rien! Nous en manquions. Voyage au bout de la nuit. Alors, on les tuait. The elves are coded as superhuman, not human. The elves, as well as their bourgeois values that can only be maintained through violence and exploitation, are monstrous or grotesque in their own way. Do you want make tea at the BBC?

Do you wanna be, do you really wanna be a cop? Career opportunities the ones they never knock. Every job they offer you is to keep you off the dock. See: The Clash. The desires of the public, who are quick to destroy their public servants, and the private developers who take advantage of governments and citizens, are shown here as grotesque, even demonic forces of destabilization. Fonctionnaires also appear as other sorts of domestic devils. His counselor must regularly visit to make sure he is job-hunting, but also to ensure that he is pleasing his wife through his behavior and lovemaking.

In this story, the husband must placate his unhappy wife by finding her a new lover. The story also enters into another contemporary debate on the role of the government in the lives of workers: in France, the demonization of public services and employees has also been an effective rhetorical tool in the neoliberal campaign to privatize the public sector. Accessed 14 May For a history of French privatization and its effects on the French economy, see: Maclean, Mairi. In this story, two bourgeois sexagenarians, former golf pro Jacques and professor Docteur Bonanit, strike a pact with the devil to allow them more free time and eternal youth.

Ben Fowkes. Bonanit mangles Latin into malapropisms to intimidate his fellows into stopping their questions about his work. See also: McNally, David. Monsters of the Market. Boston: Brill, See also: MacLellan, Matthew. Campredon discussed in our interview that his sense of Occitan linguistic and cultural identity spurs him to represent the South of France within its specificity. Schopenhauer, Arthur. London: Dunne, See: Cortier, Claude, and Laurent Puren.

Albert, Michel. Althes, Liesbeth Korthals. Sabine van Wesemael. Arendt, Hannah. Aubert, Nicole and Christophe Roux-Dufort. Bakhtin, Mikhail M. Barthes, Roland. Bartnik, Marie. Accessed 20 May Beeber, Steven Lee. Au secours pardon. Francis Barker et al. Blair, Elaine. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, Histoire contemporaine, Bourdieu, Pierre. Bourseiller, Christophe. Braendlin, Bonnie and Hans P. Les Cadavres. Cannavo, Richard et Anne Chabrol. Carver, Lisa, et al. Cambridge: The Wellness Syndrome. London and New York: Polity, Central Intelligence Agency. The World Factbook Chauvel, Louis.

Paris: PUF, Chrisafis, Angelique. The Clash. Collective author. Cortier, Claude, and Laurent Puren. Costes Disques, Croland, Michael. Travaux d'histoire et de philosophie des sciences no. CS 7, , pp. Dardot, Pierre and Christian Laval. Debies-Carl, Jeffrey S. Dead Kennedys. Dein, Simon. Delbrassinne, Laura. Accessed 8 March Detienne, Marcel.

Douthat, Ross. Alain-Philippe Durand. Durand, Jean-Pierre.