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Many fled to the kingdoms of Scandinavia, and, mingling with the Northmen, who were just preparing to run their memorable career, revenged upon the children and subjects of Charlemagne the devastation of Saxony. The remnant embraced Christianity, their aversion to which had been the chief cause of their rebellions, and acknowledged the sovereignty of Charlemagne - a submission which even Witikind, the second Arminius of Germany, after such irresistible conviction of her destiny, did not disdain to make.

But they retained, in the main, their own laws; they were governed by a duke of their own nation, if not of their own election; and for many ages they were distinguished by their original character among the nations of Germany. In all his wars the newly conquered nations, or those whom fear had made dependent allies, were employed to subjugate their neighbors, and the incessant waste of fatigue and the sword was supplied by a fresh population that swelled the expanding circle of dominion.

Extent of his I do not know that the limits of the new western dominions. As an organized mass of provinces, regularly governed by imperial officers, it seems to have been nearly bounded, in Germany, by the Elbe, the Saale, the Bohemian mountains, and a line drawn from thence crossing the Danube above Vienna, and prolonged to the Gulf of Istria. Part of Dalmatia was comprised in the duchy of Friuli. In Italy the empire extended not much beyond the modern frontier of Naples, if we exclude, as was the fact, the duchy of Benevento from any.

The Spanish boundary, as has been said already, was the Ebro. It would require tome i. That of Vaugondy, Paris, , a long examination to give a precise includes the dependent Sclavonic tribes, statement. His father, Pepin, tion asEmhad borne the title of Patrician, and he had him- A. But the appellation of Emperor seemed to place his authority over all his subjects on a new footing.

It was full of high and indefinite pretension, tending to overshadow the free election of the Franks by a fictitious descent from Augustus. A fresh oath of fidelity to him as emperor was demanded from his subjects. His own discretion, however, prevented him from affecting those more despotic prerogatives which the imperial name might still be supposed to convey.

The epoch made by Charlemagne in Hischaracte the history of the world, the illustrious families which prided themselves in him as their progenitor, the very legends of romance, which are full of his fabulous exploits, have cast a lustre around his head, and testify the greatness that has embodied itself in his name. None, indeed, of Charlemagne's wars can be compared with the Saracenic victory of Charles Martel; but that was a contest for freedom, his for conquest; and fame is more partial to successful aggression than to patriotic resistance.

As a scholar, his acquisitions were probably little superior to those of his unrespected son; and in several points of view the glory of Charlemagne might be extenuated 1 The Patricians of the lower empire abrogated. Muratori, Annali d'Italia, were governors sent from Constantinople ad. Marc, t. Rome had longl been A mosaic, still extant in the Lateran accustomed to their name and power.

Peter with one hand, and clergy and laity, to Charlemagne, as well with the other a standard to a crowned before as after he bore the imperial prince bearing the inscription Constanname, seems to be established. See Dis- tine n. But Constantine V. Marc, Abrege III. The first of these writers does not than However this may be, there at Iome. A good deal of obscurity rests can be no question that a considerable over its internal government for near share of jurisdiction and authority was fifty years; but there is some reason to practically exercised by the popes during believe that the nominal sovereignty of this period.

Like Alexander, he seemed born for universal innovation: in a life restlessly active, we see him reforming the coinage and establishing the legal divisions of money; gathering about him the learned of every country; founding schools and collecting libraries; interfering, but with the tone of a king, in religious controversies; aiming, though prematurely, at the formation of a naval force; attempting, for the sake of commerce, the magnificent enterprise of uniting the Rhine and Danube;2 and meditating to mould the discordant codes of Roman and barbarian laws into an uniform system. The great qualities of Charlemagne were, indeed, alloyed by the vices of a barbarian and a conqueror.

Nine wives, whom he divorced with very little ceremony, attest the license of his private life, which his temperance and frugality can hardly be said to redeem. Unsparing of blood, though not constitutionally cruel, and wholly indifferent to the means which his ambition prescribed, he beheaded in one day four thousand Saxons - an act of atrocious butchery, after which his persecuting edicts, pronouncing the pain of death against those who refused baptism, or even who ate flesh during Lent, seem scarcely worthy of notice.

This union of barbarous ferocity with elevated views of national improvement might suggest the parallel of Peter the Great. But the degrading habits and brute violence of the Muscovite place him at an immense distance from the restorer of the empire. A strong sympathy for intellectual excellence was the leading characteristic of Charlemagne, and this undoubtedly biassed him in the chief political error of his conduct - that of encouraging the power and pretensions of the hierarchy.

But, perhaps, his greatest eulogy is written in the disgraces of succeeding times and the miseries of Europe. He stands alone, like a beacon upon a waste, or a rock in the broad 1 Eginhard attests his ready eloquence, 2 See an essay upon this project in the his perfect mastery of Latin, his knowl- Menloirs of the Academy of Inscriptions edge of Greek so far as to read it, his t.

The rivers which were designed acquisitions in logic, grammar. But the anonymlous the Altmuhl, the Regnitz, and the Main; authors of the life of Louis the Debonair but their want of depth. His sceptre was the bow of Ulysses, which could not be drawn by any weaker hand. In the dark ages of European history the reign of Charlemagne affords a solitary resting. D Bernard, therefore, kept only the kingdom of Italy, which had been transferred to his father; while Louis, the younger son of Charlemagne, inherited the empire.

Under this prince, called by the Italians the Pious, and by the French the Debonair, or Good-natured,4 the mighty 1 The Life of Charlemagne, by Gaillard, the theories of his own. Guizot asks without being made perhaps so interest- -whether the nation was left in the same ing as it ought to have been, presents an state in which the emperor found it. Schmidt, Hist. Essais sur lUHist. IIe seems to consider tion en France, Leqon ii. Some, him as having produced no permanent indeed. No one man la grandeur acquise par les. Muratori, A. I do not know magne ought to have given a ciharte con- why modern historians represent it otherstitutionnclle, it is difficult not to smile at wise.

PART I structure of his father's power began rapidly to decay. I do not know that Louis deserves so much contempt as he has undergone; but historians have in general more indulgence for splendid crimes than for the weaknesses of virtue. There was no defect in Louis's understanding or courage; he was accomplished in martial exercises, and in all the learning which an education, excellent for that age, could supply. No one was ever more anxious to reform the abuses of administration; and whoever compares his capitularies with those of Charlemagne will perceive that, as a legislator, he was even superior to his father.

The fault lay entirely in his heart; and this fault was nothing but a temper too soft and a conscience too strict. Soon after his accession Louis thought fit to associate his His misfor eldest son, Lothaire, to the empire, and to confer tunes and the provinces of Bavaria and Aquitaine, as suberrors. The step was, in appearance, conformable to his father's policy, who had acted towards himself in a similar manner.

But such measures are not subject to general rules, and exact a careful regard to characters and circumstances. The principle, however, which regulated this division was learned from Charlemagne, and could alone, if strictly pursued, have given unity and permanence to the empire. The- elder brother was to preserve his superiority over the others, so that they should neither make peace nor war, nor even give answer to ambassadors, without his consent. Upon the death of either no further partition was to be made; but whichever of his children might become the popular choice was to inherit the whole kingdom, under the same suserves,meant thesamethin,.

Pius had, 1 Schmidt, Hist.

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ValeS call debonnaire. Synonymes de Rou- sette attests the goodness of his governband, tom. Our English word ment in Aquitaine, which he held as a debonair is hardly used in the same subordinate kingdom during his father's sense, if indeed it can be called an Eng- life. It extended from the Loire to the lish word; hut I have not altered Lou- Ebro, so that the trust was not con.

Judith of Bavaria, the emperor's second wife, an ambitious woman, bore him a scn, by name Charles, whom both parents were naturally anxicus to place on an equal footing with his brothers. But this could only be done at the expense of Lothaire, who was ill disposed to see his empire still further dismembered for this child of a second bed.

Louis passed his life in a struggle with three undutiful sons, who abused his paternal kindness by constant rebellions. These were rendered more formidable by the concurrence of a different class of enemies, whom it had been another error of the emperor to provoke. Charlemagne had assumed a thorough control and supremacy over the clergy; and his son was perhaps still more vigilant in chastising their irregularities, and reforming their rules of discipline. But to this, which they had been compelled to bear at the hands of the first, it was not equally easy for the second to obtain their submission.

Louis therefore drew on himself the inveterate enmity of men who united with the turbulence of martial nobles a skill in managing those engines of offence which were peculiar to their order, and to which the implicit devotion of his character laid him very open. Yet, after many vicissitudes of fortune, and many days of. Charles, Partition of his youngest son, surnamed the Bald, obtained, the empire upon his death, most part of France, while Ger- A. This partition was the result of a san- Charles the guinary, though short, contest; and it gave a fatal Bald.

For the treaty of Verdun, in , abrogated the sovereignty that had been attached to the eldest brother and to the imperial name in former partitions: each held his respective kingdom as an independent right. The expressions of Velly, which I have followed. Its millenary was celebrated by some of the latter nation in In about forty years the empire was faingily. From this time the France, Charles the and Orleans, who ended, like the old mayors of Sobeplt the palace, in dispersing the phantoms of royalty Louis took all be.

Le and the two united were called the kingrapport des commissaires ne fut point dom of Arles. This lasted from to mis par 6crit, ou point depos6 dans les , when Rodolph III. S'il nous avoit dte conserve6 dominions to the emperor Conrad II. For this he quotes Nithard, a contem- 8 The family of Capet is generally adporary historian. Its the kingdom of France, which fell to succession through males is unequivoCharles the Bald, had for its eastern cally deduced from Robert the Brave boundary, the Meuse, the Samne, and the made governor of Anjou in , and Rhone; which, nevertheless, can only be father of Eudes king of France, and of understood of the Upper Meuse, since Robert, who was chosen by a party in Brabant was certainly not comprised in , though, as Charles the Simple was It.

Lothaire, the elder brother, besides still acknowledged in some provinces, it. Before this happened, the de- Louis V. Counts of cance, and retained little more of France than the Paris. The rest of the kingdom had been seized by the powerful nobles, who, with the nominal fidelity of the feudal system, maintained its practical independence and rebellious spirit. Even under Charlemagne, we have abundant proofs of the ca- State of the lamities which the people suffered.

The light people. The free proprietors who had once considered themselves as only called upon to resist foreign invasion, were harassed by endless expeditions, and dragged away to the Baltic Sea, or the banks of the Drave. Many of them, as we learn from his Capitularies, became ecclesiastics to avoid military conscription.

The poorer landholders accordingly were forced to bow their necks to the yoke; and, either by compulsion or through hope of being better protected, submitted their independent patrimonies to the feudal tenure. It is, more- Lettres sur I'mist. Whoever posBrave was descended, equally through sessed three mansi of alodial property males, from St.

Arnoul, who died in , was called upon for personal service, or and consequently nearly allied to the at least to furnish a substitute. Nigellus, Carlovingian family, who derive their author of a poetical Life of Louis I. It was the first care of the former to rep. I quote by this title the were twenty-nine hereditary fiefs of the great collection of French historians, crown.

At the accession of Hugh Capet, charters and other documents illustrain , they had increased to fifty-five. But as several the Loire and the Pyrenees were strictly learned men of that order were succes. PaRu L But evils still more terrible than these political abuses were the lot of those nations who had been subject to Charlemagne. They, indeed, may appear to us little better than ferocious barbarians; but they were exposed to the assaults of tribes, in comparison of whom they must be deemed humane and polished.

Each frontier of the empire had to dread the attack of an enemy. The' coasts of Italy were he Saraens. The Sclavonians, a widely extended Hungarians. But at the end of the ninth century, a Tartarian tribe, the Hungarians, overspreading that country which since has borne their name, and moving forward like a vast wave, brought a dreadful reverse upon Germany.

Their numbers were great, their ferocity untamed. They fought with light cavalry and light armor, trusting to their showers of arrows, against which the swords and lances of the European armies could not avail. The memory of Attila was renewed in the devastations of these savages, who, if they were not his compatriots, resembled them both in their coinsively concerned in this work, not one Monaco, were extirpated by a count of half of which has yet been published, it Provence in But they had estabseemed better to follow its own title-page.

Creeping up the line of the Alps, the Aglabites, a dynasty that reigned at they took possession of St. Maurice, in Tunis for the whole of the ninth century, the Valais, from which the feeble kings of after throwing off the yoke of the Abbas- Transjurane Burgundy could ot dislodge site Khalifs. They were overthrown them. Sicily was first invaded in of introducing this name from- a more but the city of Syracuse was only re- ancient geography, but it: saves a cireum-.

Austriaw 2 Muratori, Annali d:Italla, ad. These Saracens of Frassi- Austrian dominions could not be named neto, supposed to be between Nice and without a tremendous anachronism. All Italy, all Germany, and the south of France felt this scourge; till Henry the. If any enemies could be more destructive than these Hungarians, they were the pirates of the north, known The commonly by the name of Normans. The love of Normans. The causes of their sudden appearance are inexplicable, or at least could only be sought in the ancient traditions of Scandinavia. For, undoubtedly, the coasts of France and England were as little protected from depredations under the Merovingian kings, and those of the Heptarchy, as in subsequent times.

Yet only one instance'of an attack from this side is recorded, and that before the middle of the sixth century,2 till the age of Charlemagne. In the DaInes, as we call those northern plunderers, began to infest England, which lay most immediately open to their incursions. Soon afterwards they ravaged the coasts of France. Charlemagne repulsed them by means of his fleets; yet they pillaged a few places during his reign. It is said that, perceiving one day, from a port in the Mediterranean, some Norman vessels, which had penetrated into that sea, he shed tears, in anticipation of the miseries which awaited his empire.

Raymond-Pons, count of Toulouse, cut 3 In the ninth century the Norman their army to pieces; but they had pre- pirates not only ravaged the Baleario viously committed such ravages, that the isles, and nearer coasts of the Mediterrabishops of that province, writing soon nean, but even Greece.

They the Normans:penetrated into Guienne, as-late as Nort quoque Francisco dicuntur no— Flodoar li Chronicon, in Recueil des mine manni. Historiens, tome viii. In Italy they in- Veloces, agiles, armigerique nimis; spired such terror that a mass was com- Ipse quidem populus late pernotus haposed expressly deprecating this calam- betur, ity: Ab Ungarorum nos defendas jaculis! Lintre dapes quierit, incolitatque mare. In they ravaged the country as far Pulcher adest facie, vultuque statuque as Benevento and Capua.

The wars between that prince and his family, which exhausted France of her noblest blood, the insubordination of the provincial governors, even the instigation of some of Charles's enemies, laid all open to their inroads. They adopted an uniform plan of warfare both in France and England; sailing up navigable rivers in their vessels of small burden, and fortifying the islands which they occasionally found, they made these intrenchments at once an asylum for their women and children, a repository for their plunder, and a place of retreat from superior force.

After pillaging a town they retired to these strongholds or to their ships; and it was not till that they ventured to keep possession of Angers, which, however, they were compelled to evacuate. Sixteen years afterwards they laid siege to Paris, and committed the most ruinous devastations on the neighboring country. As these Normans were unchecked by religious awe, the rich monasteries, which had stood harmless amidst the havoc of Christian war, were overwhelmed in the storm.

Perhaps they may have endured some irrecoverable losses of ancient learning; but their complaints are of monuments disfigured, bones of saints and kings dispersed, treasures carried away. Denis redeemed its abbot from captivity with six hundred and eighty-five pounds of gold. All the chief abbeys were stripped about the same time, either by the enemy, or for contributions to the public necessity. So impoverished was the kingdom, that in Charles the Bald had great difficulty in collecting three thousand pounids of silver to subsidize a body of Normans against their countrymen.

The kings of France, too feeble to prevent or repel these invaders, had recourse to the palliative of buying peace at their hands, or rather precarious armistices, to which reviving thirst of plunder soon put an end. At length Charles the Simple, in , ceded a great province, which they had already partly occupied, partly rendered desolate, and which has derived from them the name of Normandy. Ignominious as this appears, it proved no impolitic step.

Rollo, the,Norman chief, with all his subjects, became Christians and Frenchmen; and the kingdom was at once He goes on to tell us that they wor- of name, or of attributes, that deceived shipped Neptune —Was it a similarity him? His Accession of own very extensive fief was now, indeed, united to Hugh Capet. D remainder of the kingdom. Six of these obtained, at a subsequent time, the exclusive appellation of peers of France,the count of Flanders, whose fief stretched from State of the Scheldt to the Somme; the count of Cham- Franceat pagne; the duke of Normandy, to whom Britany that time.

On the death of Louis V. At first he was by no means acknowledged in the kingdom; but his contest with Charles proving successful, the chief vassals ultimately gave at least a tacit consent to the usurpation, and permitted the royal name to descend undisputed upon his posterity.

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It may be found in two Memoirs by M. These I have chiefly a The immediacy of vassals in times so followed in the text. I 2 Auvergne changed its feudal superior have followed the authority of those in. It hitd been subject to the duke dustrious Benedictines, the editors of of Aquitaine till about the middle of the L'Art de verifier les Dates. PART I eignty which the first kings of the third dynasty enjoyed.

For a long period before and after the accession of that family France has, properly speaking, no national history. The character or fortune of those who were called its kings were little more important to the majority of the nation than those of foreign princes. Undoubtedly, the degree of influence Robert, which they exercised with respect to the vassals A. Over Guienne and Toulouse the first four Capets had very little authority; nor do they seem to have Henry I.

As the kingdom of Charlemagne's posterity was split into a number of great fiefs, so each of these contained many barons, possessing no part in Hugh's elevation, but long of Gulielmus Pictaviensis be considered refused to pay him any obedience, or as matter of fact, and not rather as a rather to acknowledge his title, for obe- rhetorical flourish.

He tells us that a dience was wholly out of the question. The style of charters ran, instead of the against the duke of Normandy: Burking's name, Deo regnante, rege expec- gundium, Arverniam, atque Vasconiam tante, or absente rege terreno. He forced properare videres horribiles ferro; immo Guienne to submit about But in vires tanti regni quantum in climata Limousin they continued to acknowledge quatuor mundi patent cunctas.

But we have -Vaissette, Hist. Before this Toulouse had refused against the emperor Henry V. Yet this was a sort of eonThese proofs of Hugh Capet's usurpa- vocation of the ban; Rex ut eum tota tion seem not to be materially invalidated Francia sequatur, invitat. EveD so late by a dissertation in the 60th volume of as the reign of Philip Augustas, in a the Academy of Inscriptions, p.

It list of the knights bannerets of France, is not of course to be denied that the though those of Britany, Flanddrs,Chamnorthern parts of France acquiesced in pagne, and Burgundy, besides the royal his assumption of the royal title, if they domains, are enumerated, no mention is did not give an express consent to it. Rerum Gallicarumn supposing that the provinces south of the t. Orleans, and Bourges, with the immediately adjacent districts, formed the most considerable portion of the royal domain. A number of petty barons, with their fortified castles, intercepted the communication between these, and waged war against the king almost under the walls of his capital.

It cost Louis a great deal of trouble to reduce the lords of Montlhdry, and other places within a few miles of Paris. Under this prince, however, who had more activity than his predecessors, the royal authority considerably revived. From his reign we may date the systematic rivalry of the French and English monarchies. Hostilities had several times occurred between Philip I. Though they hed submitted to do homage, they could not forget that they came i' originally by force, and that in real strength they were fully equal to their sovereign.

Nor had the conquest of England any tendency to diminish their pretensions. It would be fiefs with civil and criminal jurisdiction inconvenient to anticipate the subject at had the full possession of their own terripresent, which is rather of a legal than tories, subject more or less to their imnarrative character.

The real domain of Louis VI. At the accession of Louis VI. Normandy, five; of Britany, five; the age, or, as it was called, per paragium. Thirty-three de- — Recueil des Historiens, t.

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They certainly acted upon this as hardly connected with the crown; and principle; and the manner in which they twenty-one were at that time dependent first came into the country is not very on the empire. It is to consistent with dependence. He had married Eleanor, heiress of. But this union, which promised an immense accession of strength to the crown, was rendered unhappy by the levities of that princess. Repudiated by Louis, who felt rather as a husband than -a king, Eleanor immediately married Henry II.

One might venture, perhaps, to conjecture that the sceptre of France would eventually have passed from the Capets to the Plantagenets, if the vexatious quarrel with Becket at one time, and the successive rebellions fomented by Louis at a later period, had not embarrassed the great talents and ambitious spirit of Henry.

No prince comAugustus, parable to him in systematic ambition and military. From his reign the French monarchy dates the recovery of its lustre. He wrested from the count of Flanders the Vermandois that part of Picardy which borders on the Isle of France and Champagne 1 , and subsequently, the county of Artois. But the most important conquests of Philip were obtained against the kings of England. Even Richard I. Normandy, But when John not only took possession of his D. John demanded a safe-conduct.

Willingly, said Philip; let him come unmolested. And return? If the judgment of his peers permit him, replied the king. By all the saints of France, he exclaimed, when further pressed, he shall not return unless acquitted. The bishop I The original counts of Vermandois the earl of Flanders, after her death in were descended from Bernard, king of The principal towns of the VerItaly, grandson of Charlemagne: but mandois are St.

Quentin and Peronne. What of that, my lord bishop? It is well known that my vassal the duke of Normandy acquired England by force. But if a subject obtains any accession of dignity, shall his paramount lord therefore lose his rights? Arthur was certainly no immediate vassal of the crown for Britany; and, though he had done homage. John, not appearing at his summons, was declared guilty of felony, and his fiefs confiscated. The execution of this sentence was not intrusted to a dilatory arm.

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Philip poured his troops into Normandy, and took town after town, while the king of England, infatuated by his own wickedness and cowardice, made hardly an attempt at defence. In two years Normandy, Maine, and Anjou were irrecoverably lost. Poitou and Guienne resisted longer; but the con- Louis vm.

Tbh country of Languedoc, subject to the counts of Toulouse, had been unconnected, beyond any other part Affairs of of France, with the kings of the house of Capet. Louis VII. Paris, p. But the remoteness of their situation, with a difference in language and legal usages, still kept the people of this province apart from those of the north of France.

About the middle of the twelfth century, certain religious opinions, which it is not easy, nor, for our present purpose, material to define, but, upon every supposition, exceedingly adverse to those of the church,1 began to spread over Languedoc. Those who imbibed them have borne the name of Albigeois, though they were in no degree peculiar to the district of Albi. In despite of much preaching and some persecution, these errors made a continual progress; till Innocent III. Raymond VI. Though this was taken off, he was still suspected; and upon the assassination of one of the inquisitors, in which Raymond had no concern, Innocent published a crusade both against the count and his subjects, calling upon the king of France, and the nobility of that kingdom, to take up the cross, with all the indulgences usually held out as allurements to religious warfare.

Though Philip would not interfere, a prodigious number of knights undertook this enterprise, led partly by ecclesiastics, and partly by some of the first barons in France. It was prosecuted with every atrocious barbarity which superstition, the mother of crimes, could inspire. Languedoc, a country, for that age, flourishing and civilized, was laid waste by these desolators; her cities burned; her inhabitants swept away by fire and the sword.

And this was to punish a fanaticism ten thousand times more innocent than their own, and errors which, according to the p. They have published, however, scribing witness to the charters of the an instrument of Louis VI. Appendix, p. I ter of the present work, where the subject do not recollect to have ever met with the will be taken up again. The energy of such a mind, at the head of Albigeois. But Montfort was cut off before he could realize his ultimate object, an independent principality; and Raymond was able to bequeathe the inheritance of his ancestors to his son.

Rome, however, was not yet appeased; upon some new pretence she AD. Louis VIII. After a short and successful war, Louis, dying prematurely, left the crown of France to a son only twelve years old. But the count of Toulouse was still pursued, till, hopeless of safety in so unequal a struggle, he concluded a treaty upon very A.

By this he ceded the greater part of Languedoc; and, giving his daughter in marriage to Alphonso, brother of Louis IX. Thus fell the ancient house of Toulouse, through one of those strange combinations of fortune, which thwart the natural course of human prosperity, and disappoint the plans of wise policy and beneficent government. Fauriel edited for the Collection some narrations, 60,, were put to the des Documens In6dits, in , a metrical sword.

Not a living soul escaped, as history of the Albigensian crusade, by a witnesses assure us. It was here that a contemporary calling himself William of Cistertian monk, who led on the crusa- Tudela, which seems to be an imaginary ders, answered the inquiry, how the name. It contains verses. The Catholics were to be distinguished from author begins as a vehement enemy of heretics: Kill them all! God will know the heretics and favorer of the crusade; his own. Besides Vaissette, see Sisrmondi, but becomes, before his poem is half comLitt6rature du Midi, t. The crown, with which some might singly have measured their forces, was now an equipoise to their united weight.

And such an union was hard to be accomplished among men not always very sagacious in policy, and divided by separate interests and animosities. They were not, however, insensible to the crisis of their feudal liberties; and the minority of Louis IX. They now broke out into open rebellion; but the address of Blanche detached some from the league, and her firmness subdued the rest. For the first fifteen years of Louis's reign, the struggle was frequently renewed; till repeated humiliations convinced the refractory that the throne was no longer to be shaken. A prince so feeble as Henry IIL was unable to afford them that aid from England, which, if his grandfather or son had then reigned, might probably have lengthened these civil wars.

But Louis IX. That excelter. Its ex- lent prince was perhaps the most eminent pattern cellences; of unswerving probity and Christian strictness of conscience that ever held the sceptre in any country. There is a peculiar beauty in the reign of St. Louis, because it shows the inestimable benefit which a virtuous king may confer on his people, without possessing any distinguished genius. For nearly half a century that he governed France there is not the smallest want of moderation or disinterestedness in his actions; and yet he raised the influence of the monarchy to a much higher point than the most ambitious of his predecesfanatique dans sa religion, inflexible, exasperated that Irritable body and agcruel.

Michelet, iii. But the atrocities of that war have moin. The Albi- hardly been equalled, and SismoDdi was gensian sectaries had insulted the clergy not the man to conceal them. Bernard; which, of course,. To the surprise of his own and later times, he restored great part of his conquests to Henry III. It would indeed have been a tedious work to conquer Guienne, which was full of strong places; and the subjugation of such a province might have alarmed the other vassals of his crown.

But it is the privilege only of virtuous minds to perceive that wisdom resides in moderate counsels: no sagacity ever taught a selfish and ambitious sovereign to forego the sweetness of immediate power. An ordinary king, in the circumstances of the French monarchy, would have fomented, or, at least, have rejoiced in, the dissensions which broke out among the principal vassals; Louis constantly employed himself to reconcile them. In this, too, his benevolence had all the effects of far-sighted policy. It had been the practice of his three last predecessors to interpose their mediation in behalf of the less powerful classes, the clergy, the inferior nobility, and the inhabitants of chartered towns.

Thus the supremacy of the crown became a familial idea; but the perfect integrity of St. Louis wore away all distrust, and accustomed even the most jealous feudataries to look upon him as their judge and legislator. And as the royal authority was hitherto shown only in its most amiable prerogatives, the dispensation of favor, and the redress of wrong, few were watchful enough to remark the transition of the French constitution from a feudal league to an absolute monarchy. It was perhaps fortunate for the display of St. A century earlier his mild and scrupulous character, unsustained by great actual power, might not have inspired sufficient awe.

But the crown was now grown so formidable, and Louis was so eminent for his firmness and bravery, qualities without which every other virtue would have been ineffectual, that no one thought it safe to run wantonly into rebellion, while his disinterested administration gave no one a pretext for it. Hence the latter part of his reign was altogether tranquil, and employed in watching over the public peace and the security of travellers; administering justice personally, or by the best counsellors; and compiling that code of feudal customs called the Establishments of St.

Not satisfied with the justice of his own conduct, Louis aimed at that act of virtue which is rarely practised by private men, and had perhaps no example among kings - restitution. Commissaries were appointed to inquire what possessions had been unjustly annexed to the royal domain during the last two reigns. These were restored to the proprietors, or, where length of time had made it difficult to ascertain the claimant, their value was distributed among the poor. During his minority Blanche of Castile, his mother, had filled the office of Regent with great courage and firmness.

But after he grew up to manhood, her influence seems to have passed the limit which gratitude and piety would have assigned to it; and, as her temper was not very meek or popular, exposed the king to some degree of contempt. He submitted even to be restrained from the society of his wife Margaret, daughter of Raymond count of Provence, a princess of great vir tue and conjugal affection. Joinville relates a curious story. It would be idle to sneer at those habits of abstemiousness and mortification which were part of the religion of his age, and, at the worst, were only injurious to his own comfort.

But he had other prejudices, which, though they may be forgiven, must never be defended. No man was ever more impressed than St. Louis with a belief in the duty of exterminating all enemies to his own faith. With these he thought no layman ought to risk himself in the perilous ways of reasoning, but to make answer with his sword as stoutly as a strong arm and a fiery zeal could carry that argument. This historian not to rely. Louis's internal administra- Joinville is a real witness, p. But no events in Louis's life were more memorable than his two crusades, which lead us to look back on the nature and circumstances of that most singular phenomenon in European history.

Though the crusades involved all the western nations of Europe, without belonging particularly to any one, yet, as France was more distinguished than the rest in most of those enterprises, I shall introduce the subject as a sort of disgression from the main course of French history. Even before the violation of Palestine by the Saracen arms it had been a prevailing custom among the Chris- The tians of Europe to visit those scenes rendered in- Crusades. These pilgrimages became more frequent in later times, in spite, perhaps in consequence, of the danger and hardships which attended them.

For a while the Mohammedan possessors of Jerusalem permitted, or even encouraged, a devotion which they found lucrative; but this was interrupted whenever the ferocious insolence with which they regarded all infidels got the better of their rapacity. During the eleventh century, when, from increasing superstition and some particular fancies, the pilgrims were more numerous than ever, a change took place in the government of Palestine, which was overrun by the Turkish hordes from the North.

These barbarians treated the visitors of Jerusalem with still greater contumely, mingling with their 3Mohammedan bigotry, a consciousness of strength and courage, and a scorn of the Christians, whom they knew only by the debased natives of Greece and Syria, or by these humble and defenceless palmers. When such insults became known throughout nul, si n'est grant clerc, et theologien degree of bigotry, did not require to be parfait, ne doit disputer aux Juifs: mais strained farther still by Mosheim, vol.

I may observe, by la foy Chr6tienne, defendre la chose, non the way, that this writer, who sees nothpas seulement des paroles, mais i bonne ing in Louis IX. This passage, which shows a tolerable. PART I, Europe, they excited a keen sensation of resentment among nations equally courageous and devout, which, though wanting as yet any definite means of satisfying itself, was ripe for whatever favorable conjuncture might arise.

Twenty years before the first crusade Gregory VII. The Turks had now taken Nice, and threatened, from the opposite shore, the very walls of Constantinople. Every one knows whose hand held the torch to that inflammable mass of enthusiasm that pervaded Europe; the hermit of Picardy, who, roused by witnessed wrongs and imagined visions, journeyed from land to land, A.

The preaching of Peter was powerfully seconded by Urban. In the councils of Piacenza and of Clermont the deliverance of Jeru salem was eloquently recommended and exultingly undertaken. Later writers, incapable of sympathizing with the blind fervor of zeal, or anxious to find a pretext fbr its effect somewhat more congenial to the spirit of our times, have sought political reasons for that which resulted only from predominant affections. No suggestion of these will, I believe, be found in contemporary historians.

To rescue the Greek empire from its imminent peril, and thus to secure Christendom from enemies who professed towards it eternal hostility, might have been a legitimate and magnanimous ground of interference; but it operated scarcely, or not at all, upon those who took the cross. It argues, indeed, strange ignorance of the eleventh century to ascribe such refinements of later times even to the princes of that age. The Turks were no doubt repelled from the neighI Gregory addressed, in , a sort of walls of Constantinople.

No mention of encyclic letter to all who would defend Palestine is made in this letter. Labb, the Christian faith, enforcing upon them C oncilia, t. Saracens, who had almost come up to the. Nor had they any disposition to serve the interest of the Greeks, whom they soon came to hate, and not entirely without provocation, with almost as much animosity as the Moslems themselves. Every means was used to excite an epidemical frenzy: the remission of penance, the dispensation from those practices of self-denial which superstition imposed or suspended at pleasure, the absolution of all sins, and the assurance of eternal felicity.

None doubted that such as perished in the war received immediately the reward of martyrdom. And these devotional feelings, which are usually thwarted and balanced by other passions, fell in with every motive that could influence the men of that time; with curiosity, restlessness, the love of license, thirst for war, emulation, ambition. Of the princes who assumed the cross, some probably from the beginning speculated upon forming independent establishments in the East.

In later periods the temporal benefits of undertaking a crusade undoubtedly blended themselves with less selfish considerations. Thus Gui de Lusignan, after flying from France, for murder, was ultimately raised to the throne of Jerusalem. To the more vulgar class were held out inducements which, though absorbed in the overruling fanaticism of the first crusade, might be exceedingly efficacious when it began rather to flag. During the time that a crusader bore the cross he was free from suit for his debts, and the interest of them was entirely abolished; he was exempted, in some instances at least, from taxes, and placed under the protection of the church, so that he could not be impleaded in any civil court, except on criminal charges, or disputes relating to land.

Ordonnances des Rloi de torum omnimodam credimusabolitionem France, tom. See also Du Cange, voo promereri. Crucis Privilegia. PART L crusade; but many of their chief vassals, great part of the inferior nobiity, and a countless multitude of the common people. The priests left their parishes, and the monks their cells; and though the peasantry were then in general bound to the soil, we find no check given to their emigration for this cause.

Numbers of women and children swelled the crowd; it appeared a sort, of sacrilege to repel any one from a work which was considered as the manifest design of Providence. But if it were lawful to interpret the will of Providence by events, few undertakings have been more branded by its disapprobation than the crusades.

So many crimes and so much misery have seldom been accumulated in so short a space as in the three years of the first expedition. We should be warranted by contemporary writers in stating the loss of the Christians alone during this period at nearly a million; but at the least computation it must have exceeded half that number. Few of those myriads who were mustered in the plains of Nice returned to gladden their friends in Europe with the story of their triumph at Jerusalem. Besieging alternately and besieged in Antioch, they drained to the lees the cup of misery: three hundred thousand sat down before that place; next year there remained but a sixth part to pursue the enterprise.

But their losses were least in the field of battle; the intrinsic superiority of European prowess was constantly displayed; the angel of Asia, to apply the bold language of our poet, high and unmatchable, where her rival was not, became a fear; and the Christian lances bore all before them in their shock from Nice to A. Antioch, Edessa, and Jerusalem. It was here, where their triumph was consummated, that it was stained with the most atrocious massacre; not limited to the hour of resistance, but renewed deliberately even after that famous penitential procession to the holy sepulchre, which might have calmed their ferocious dispositions, if, through the misguided enthusiasm of the enterprise, it had not been rather calculated to excite them.

But des Croisades, is deserving of considerable Fulk of Chartres reckons the same num- praise for its diligence and impartiality. It carries the history, however. Gibbon's two. Except the state of Edessa beyond the quests in Euphrates,1 which, in its best days, extended over Syria. Within the barrier of Mount Libanus their arms might be feared, but their power was never established; and the prophet was still invoked in the mosques of Aleppo and Damascus.

The principality of Antioch to the north, the kingdom of Jerusalem with its feudal dependencies of Tripoli and Tiberias to the south, were assigned, the one to Boemond, a brother of Robert Guiscard, count of Apulia, the other to Godfrey of Boulogne,2 whose extraordinary merit had justly raised him to a degree of influence with the chief crusaders that has been sometimes confounded with a legitimate authority. But as their enemies had been stunned, not killed, by the western storm, the Latins were constantly molested by the Mohammedans of Egypt and Syria.

They were exposed as the outposts of Christendom, with no respite and few resources. A second crusade, in which the emperor Conrad III. Latinorum without inaccuracies, are a brilliant por- primus. The original 3 The heroes of the crusade are just writers are chiefly collected in two folio like those of romance.

Godfrey is not volumes, entitled Gesta Dei per Francos, only the wisest but the strongest man in Hanover, Perhaps Tasso has lost some 1 Edessa was a little Christian princi- part of this physical superiority for the pality, surrounded by, and tributary to, sake of contrasting him with the imagithe Turks. The inhabitants invited nary Rinaldo. He cleaves a Turk in Baldwin, on his progress in the first cru- twain, from the shoulder to the haunch. Esprit des Croisades, t. The Arab, suspecting there De Guignes, Hist.

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Godfrey never took the title of King sword; and the hero obliges him by of Jerusalem, not choosing, he said, to demolishing a second camel. Baldwin, Godfrey's brother, who second crusade at two hundred thousand succeeded him within two years, entitles men Hist. The decline of the Christian establishments in the East is ascribed by William of Tyre to the extreme viciousness of Decline of their manners, to the adoption of European arms the Latin by the Orientals, and to the union of the Mohamprincipalities in the medan principalities under a single chief.

The kingdom of Jerusalem was guarded only, exclusive of European volunteers, by the feudal service of eight hundred and sixty-six knights, attended each by four archers on horseback, by a militia of five thousand and seventy-five burghers, and by a conscription, in great exigencies, of the remaining population. In the last fatal battle Lusignan seems to have had somewhat a larger force. Several of their victories over the Moslems were obtained against such disparity of numbers, that they may be compared with whatever is most illustrious'in history or romance.

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